LANGLEY PARK:YOUTH AND THE NEIGHBORHOOD
William John Hanna with The 1998 Langley Park Project Research Team
INTRODUCTION
The neighborhood of Langley Park is the subject
of this monographic report on current conditions and
future possibilities. The primary foci are the possibilities for
improving the education of young
people and enhancing the residents' sense of community.
Langley Park
Langley Park is an unincorporated neighborhood
in Prince George's County, Maryland, located
approximately seven miles northwest of the White
House. Its 20,000
residents, the vast majority
of them recent immigrants and their family members,
are concentrated within an area that is less than
one square mile. It is one of the more densely
populated neighborhoods in Washington's metropolitan
area.
Most of the immigrants are Latinos with
national origins in Central America, primarily El
Salvador. Consequently, the language of the home
and street is Spanish. Constable (1997) writes
that many residents "speak little English, travel
mostly by bus and toil unobtrusively near the bottom
of the American economy. Their paths cross constantly, but
their lives are too fluid to build
a community...."
Of course, not all of the residents are Latinos. Scores of
countries throughout the world have
contributed to the population. On the street, one
can hear conversations in French, Khmer, Vietnamese,
Yoruba, and other languages, and the English one hears
is spoken in a variety of styles.
When the Langley Park neighborhood was first
developed, after World War II, is was almost entirely
European-American.
By the early 1980s, African-Americans were in the majority. Now, it is
predominantly immigrant Latino. However, the population
continues to change; over the past few years, a
new immigrant group, Jamaicans, have been moving in.
Most of Langley Park's current residents entered
the United States in the 1980s. A majority of the
newcomers appear to have entered the country legally.
In addition, several thousand of them are in temporary status
as "refugees" from the civil war that raged in
El Salvador during the 1980s, and an additional
several thousand residents are "undocumented" -- i.e.,
they are in the country without the necessary legal
papers.
The immigrant residents tend not to be
well-educated and to have household incomes that are
only about two-thirds of the county's average.
Suggestive is the fact that approximately half of the neighborhood's
school children in K through 3 grades
are classified as "limited English proficient," and
three-quarters of these schools' children qualify for
free or reduced price meals. Consequently, there are
many conversations about the needs for better
education and more jobs. The residents are also
vulnerable to crime; the neighborhood's rate is comparatively
high. Thus another prominent subject is the
problematic policing; residents do not think they
get satisfactory protection or respect.
Langley Park is in part a reflection of America's
expanding foreign-born population. In 1970 the U.S. population was
4.8% foreign-born, and the vast
majority of the neighborhood's residents were
native-born. By 1980 the national figure was 6.2%,
and it increased to 7.9% in 1990 and 9.3% in 1996
(Hansen and Faber 1997). The latter percentage amounts to 24.6 million
people nationally. The
percentage and number of Langley Park's foreign-born population
have moved in the same direction although
much more dramatically. By 1997, well over half of
the current residents of the neighborhood were
foreign-born.
Of course, not all predominantly-immigrant neighborhoods are the same.
Langley Park is
distinctive in several respects. Perhaps of greatest importance, it is in
many ways isolated from the
larger metropolitan area -- and mainstream America --
due to the barriers of language, physical
characteristics, safety (from criminals and police officers), and economic resources.
Some of the
residents often feel, in the words of Rivera and
Erlich (1992), "surrounded and under siege"
having a "sense of isolation." The word
"ghetto" sometimes comes to mind.
Most residents speak Spanish (and most of them
are not fluent in English), their neighborhood is
bounded by parkland, jurisdictional boundaries, and a
main street, most of them are identifiable as neither European-American nor African-American, they confront
serious problems of safety from criminals and
sometimes officials, and they face the challenges experienced by
members of the working- or under-class. Furthermore, they neither
have the small business
niche of many Asian-Americans nor the government opportunities
available to many African-Americans
Most of the residents come from El Salvador or
other Central American countries. These countries are
poor and dangerous, and therefore not attractive as alternative
places in which to live. Many of the
residents would like to move to "better" and safer neighborhoods but
do not have the economic and other resources to do so. Some of the
residents are
undocumented or soon will be; they entered the country during the
terrible civil wars of the 1980s and then
began families and lives here.
Three Neighborhood Sections
Langley Park has three somewhat different
sections. The northern portion of the neighborhood
is residential, and it is primarily working class with
some middle class residents. Most of the housing is
or was single-family. (Some of the houses have been
divided or are shared with suite or room rentals.)
Within this section is a very rich mixture of national
and ethnic backgrounds, including some elderly
European-American women who have resided in the area
for almost five decades. Among the newcomers are
Asians and Latinos. There are, for instance, a number
of families from such countries as Cambodia, Vietnam,
El Salvador, and Venezuela. The streets of this neighborhood are relatively quiet with little crime
and a scattering of late-model cars.
By contrast, the southern residential portion of
the neighborhood has a mixture of working and
underclass residents. Some of the apartments are beautifully maintained and
decorated inside, whereas
others seem to be temporary sleeping spaces for several families or a group of up to ten
workmen. Most
residents are Latino, and a smaller minority is composed of African-Americans, Africans, and others.
This is the area of relatively high crime, especially involving
drug sales. Several apartment house units are used for prostitution.
The commercial section of Langley Park is at the southeastern edge, along and near University Boulevard. It includes units of such major regional and national
stores as CVS Pharmacy and Toys R Us, as well as
smaller multi-unit establishments such as Americana
Grocery (a Latino store) and Pho 75 (a Vietnamese
pho-soup restaurant).
Strengths, Weaknesses, Actions
Langley Park has many appealing strengths. Its
young residents are hard-working and ambitious, the neighborhood is surrounded on
one side by a beautiful
park with a stream and on the other side by a major thoroughfare with hundreds of
stores and other
businesses, and it is connected to the rest of the metropolitan area by good roads
and bus routes.
The people of Langley Park also face a number of challenges,
including functionally inadequate
education, a lack of community solidarity, and
problematic security. The neighborhood is located
in a county that neither has great wealth nor has
priorities that are favorable to needed change.
In the core pages of the 1998 report, we
explore a set of issues related to the possibilities
for neighborhood change. These include improving
public educational outcomes by means of
non-denominational after-school church support and
more effective English-language training, developing
after-school recreational programs to provide
supervised activities and educational mentoring,
enhancing safe opportunities for walking and bicycling
to facilitate mobility and contribute to community interaction, creating a
pedestrian mainstreet within
the neighborhood to support a richer sociocultural
community life, and creating a mechanism to improve
local business development and therefore increase the
jobs open to local residents.
Of course, there are other issues yet to be
addressed. Among these are the following: there is
no effective neighborhood organization, county and
state political support is weak, and the so-called
system of "community policing" has not significantly engaged neighborhood residents.
The authors of this report hope that ideas will
be followed by actions. Indeed, we are pleased to
report that some positive actions have already taken
place. Several churches have agreed to support a non-denominational after-school program, a soccer program
has been launched for 100 neighborhood school children,
and a program for obtaining bicycles for young people
will soon be in place. As the Langley Park Project
moves forward, we are committed to a future of
positive action.
CONCLUSION: ACTION LANGLEY PARK
Changes
The positive changes that we think should take
place in Langley Park are not dreams but real
possibilities that could be achieved within a few
years. Many church officials and volunteers could
support the after-school education of the
neighborhood's public school children; language
education could be enhanced with more trained
teachers working in smaller groups and/or individually
with the children in need; neighborhood recreation
programs could be expanded to provide structured
after-school and weekend activities and be linked
with educational enrichment activities; movement in
and around the neighborhood could be made easier and
safer with improved sidewalks, roads, and policing;
design changes could create a pedestrian mainstreet
and other community-enhancements; and local business
and job development could be aided by instituting
support programs such as loan-enhancing and
tax-modifying enterprize zones.
The Governor of the State of Maryland and/or the
Prince George's County Executive could provide the
needed leadership that would help to make the
possibilities into actualities. Of course, these
leaders have not yet done so. The reason is that political
leaders make political decisions, and political
decisions are largely based upon linkage to
political support. Unfortunately, the residents of
Langley Park are not yet politically active; the neighborhood's
voting turnout is light, and the
residents' voices are rarely heard in decisionmaking chambers.
There is even light participation in
neighborhood meetings, and nascent neighborhood
associations have not gained strength. The only
gatherings of significance numbers of residents are
the Sunday Catholic services organized by St.
Camillus Church and held in the gymnasium of the
Langley Park - McCormick Elementary School. These
services remain apolitical.
Local Political Passivity
Were the residents of Langley Park active and influential, some of the change possibilities we have explored would soon be in place. What, then, is the
reason for the apparent passivity? There are a number
of factors that appear to contribute to the situation.
One factor is transience. The movement of
residents in and out of the neighborhood impairs
the development of a sense of community; if a person
doesn't see a residential situation as long-term, she
or he isn't likely to invest in the neighborhood.
Of course, there are residents who have lived in
Langley Park for decades. At a recent neighborhood
meeting held to share the ideas presented in this
report, one of the residents present moved to Langley
Park in 1951. However, a majority of the residents
are relative newcomers (arriving in the late 1980s
or in the 1990s), and most of these newcomers plan
either to move to a "better" neighborhood in the
United States or to return to their country of origin.
Such plans do not always materialize, but they do
limit one's local commitment.
A second factor is fear of officials. Many of
the residents of Langley Park fear government and
politicians as well as crime and criminals. They
learned this fear through bitter experiences in their
home countries and perhaps some bitter experiences in
the United States. The fear of officialdom was
clearly manifested during the 1990 census activities
in the neighborhood. According to informal reports,
many residents did not open their doors to
census-takers or respond to mailings. The census is
a government activity, and governments can be harmful
in many ways. That is especially the case for
immigrants who do not feel that their residency is
secure; deportation is the constant concern of many
documented and undocumented immigrants.
There is ambiguous attitude towards the police: more
police officers are able to improve the protection
of residents from criminal activity, but police officers
and other enforcement personnel (e.g., working with
the INS) are able to prevent desired activities as
well as to harass or arrest people not engaged in
criminal activities. Police harassment and even
brutality are not unknown within the county. A
Law Enforcement News report on Manchester, Connecticut,
carries this quotation, relevant to Langley Park, from
a community police officer: "These people do not feel comfortable enough to call and have the 'government'
act."
Third, security is a concern. Langley Park is in
many ways typical of other working and under-class
immigrant neighborhoods in that the rates of crime
are relatively high. Crack cocaine and other
drugs are relatively easy to purchase along 14th Avenue or in
some of the apartment-grounds areas hidden from public
view. Of course, the money associated with drug-sales
catalyzes other criminal activity. The rate of robbery
is relatively high, in part because most residents have
cash rather than bank accounts. There are some gangs
in Langley Park, although they have not yet become a
serious threat. Nevertheless, drug-sales, robberies,
and gangs engender fears on the part of residents.
Consequently, nighttime activities such as
neighborhood meetings must face this hurdle.
Time is a fourth factor. Going to a
neighborhood meeting to plan change or even to a
police station to report a crime takes valuable
time away from one's work and/or family. Members of
the working class are least likely to be able to
afford such time. We know many adult residents of
Langley Park who work long, hard days (often on
several jobs) and come home to care for their
otherwise unsupervised children. To attend a meeting or go to
a government office is a luxury they cannot afford.
Additionally, they may be too tired to go out after
work.
The lack of community space is our final factor.
There are few places within the neighborhood that
provide opportunities for social interaction and
community formation. The neighborhood's elementary
school staff does not encourage PTA or other
community activities; the building called the "community
center" is primarily a location for senior citizens
and park administrators rather than an active center
for a community; and the Boys and Girls Club mainly
caters to young out-of-neighborhood African-Americans.
The outdoor spaces for social interaction are few, and
they are not designed for such activity. There is
no central plaza or other public gathering place,
and outdoor groups are sometimes broken up by police
action seeking to prevent unwanted behavior.
The lack of inviting community space is the
reason for one of the proposals in this report. It is
in line with a trend in the Washington suburbs. A
recent article in The Washington Post documents the
trend, stating in part: "...towns
centers such as Shirlington's are popping up. Even among neighborhood
activists who are fighting growth, town centers --
those cheery community gathering places for eating,
shopping and entertainment -- are the exception that
win support" (Fehr 1998). The relevance to a
neighborhood such as Langley Park is made explicit:
"...the concept is generally a winner because town
centers highlight walking, face-to-face contact with
neighbors and locally oriented stores...".
A planner quoted by Fehr is on the mark:
"Town centers offer each community a vibrant heart."
Our proposed roundabout at Merrimac Drive and
14th Avenue and a pedestrian mainstreet along 14th
Avenue would begin to address the need. It has also
been proposed to create a "town center" at the
northeast corner of New Hampshire Avenue and
University Boulevard, in unused parking space;
however, the property owner has not yet favorably
responded to this possibility. Perhaps the concern
is criminal activity; however, a sense of community
will almost certainly help in the fight against
crime. The exact location of a centerplace for
Langley Park, of course, is less important that its
creation and the contribution it will make to the development of a community.
The Need for Activism
Needed change requires activism. Without
activism, the chances may well be poor to mobilize
a significant number of churches to support public
education, to reduce the class sizes of young
immigrant school children, to organize
after-school recreation-plus programs, to make walking
and bicycling safer, to create neighborhood
centerplaces, or to enhance business activity and
job development.
Information may be a first step. To this end,
the Editor-in-Chief of the regional Latino newspaper, La Naci¤n, has increased his
publication's focus on Langley Park, and the Langley
Park Project's Barrio de Langley Park continues to
be published several times a year. The present report
and its prior sister publications have also
contributed to the visibility of Langley Park and
its neighbors within Maryland's International
Corridor.
A supportive step can come from the individuals
and organizations in a position to contribute a
better environment for community action. Such
organizations as the Takoma-Langley Crossroads
Development Authority, the Maryland International
Corridor Community Development Corporation, CASA
de Maryland, the Langley Park Project, and the
various governmental units can make contributions.
Perhaps a key governmental unit with a potential
to contribute is the police. Currently, local police
practice tends to emphasize responding and arresting,
and patrolling in vehicles; there is little community
policing in the conventional sense of the term.
Real community policing, "a collaboration between the
police and the community" (Skolnick and Bayley 1988) emphasizing partnership and prevention, would help
to create the needed environment.
The most important step must be local activism.
In the early 1980s and again in the mid-1990s,
associations of residents existed within the
neighborhood. However, the factors working against
activism prevailed, and some of the older leadership
has moved away. The result is described by a Buck
Lodge Middle School student (Cerpas 1998):
Five years ago, the Langley Park neighborhood was rising every
day. But then the people who live here stopped working together as
a community, and they became just individuals who happened to live in an area.
Today, there are positive business changes in the area. We
have a new McDonald's and a new Taco Bell, and soon we will have a
new international grocery store. These companies can be a great
asset to our area, and I hope they will help us. But we need more than that.
What we really need is people working together as members of a
community. Without the efforts of people who live here, there will
be no community. So come on: help your neighborhood. Let's make
the community of Langley Park rise again.
The chances for positive changes in Langley Park
benefitting its residents depend, as Cerpas states,
upon "people working together as members of a
community." Outsiders who are friends of Langley Park
can be of help, but the driving force must be the
residents themselves. This driving force must be led
by a local organization of people committed to an
improved quality of life for all of the neighborhood's
residents. We hope that this report contributes to
the needed effort. And to quote Cerpas once more,
"Let's make the community of Langley Park rise again."